Economic and political "neighbors" can wield two influential instruments to support domestic reformers in their difficult work of building democracies: conditionality and technical assistance. Democracy is essentially the opposite of Elections system for choosing government type and officialsHuman rights protection for allCitizens actively participating in civics and politicsLaws apply equally to all citizensThe Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) has been keeping a database of countries with different types of regimes since 2006. Its success can in part be attributed to the fact that structural economic reforms, particularly the privatization of state-owned assets, occurred only after policymakers had put in place a legal system that leveled the playing field and established strong safeguards against corruption. Myanmar Egress, a think-tank set up in 2006 when politics was deadlocked, suggested various ways to get things moving again. (This is why Egypt’s Spreading power out to local regions has Indonesia’s democracy has benefited from devolution of power.

Support for independent media is also a crucial aid to nascent democracy. By the late 1990s a series of reforms gave local communities control over almost half of Poland’s budget. But the king chose a prime minister, Adolfo Suárez, who started to lift the bans on political parties and hold elections. But he put in place an electoral autocracy that prompted a coup and a streak of violent unrest. What worked in Poland probably won’t work in Nigeria. The specific policy options available in any country are always context-specific. Once upheaval hits and democracy begins to take root, a resilient middle class can be the necessary safeguard against backsliding to autocracy. The bad news is that for countries like Egypt, Tunisia and Myanmar it’s likely to be a long and bumpy ride. Transitioning countries should therefore decentralize thoughtfully, in ways that help deepen and sustain democratization. Popular enthusiasm for democracy weakened as the need to restore or maintain stability in the face of regional conflicts took precedence over transition processes that had often failed to deliver on expectations of better living standards and more representative government. In the 1970s, the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party took its quest for electoral legitimacy so far that when the loyal opposition failed to field a presidential candidate in 1976, the government revised the election laws to make it easier for the opposition to gain a few seats. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission set up in South Africa’s new democracy bore witness to past atrocities, but did not prosecute their authors if they confessed.Forgiveness can thus hasten a transition. Not all these mass-movements were entirely peaceful, but it was the huge crowds that won the day, not the petrol bombs. Nowadays, almost all dictatorships and authoritarian regimes at least go through the electoral motions—such is the homage vice pays to virtue. In Thailand after the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the economic and social policies of the nascent democratic government were widely perceived as exclusionary, benefiting foreign investors and domestic elites at the expense of regular Thais. This requires special attention when researching countries that claim democracy, as well as countries that have transitioned to democracy. Rather, it is a region that describes several countries that may not be part of other continents. To dissatisfied and excluded constituencies, a promise to fight against the rich can have sudden allure.

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